IFAO

يتضمن هذا الكتاب ، دراسة أثرية وحضارية مع معلومات وثائقية عن بعض المدن والقرى

المصرية كما سجلتها البرديات العربية الخاصة بالعصور الأولى لتواجد المسلمين في مصر.

وهذا يعد إضافة جيدة للمكتبة الوثائقية العربية.

وقد قام المؤلف بنشر سبعة نصوص جديدة من مجموعة معهد البرديات الموجودة في جامعة

هايدلبرج بألمانيا ، كما أنه ألحق بكتابه خريطة وصور فوتوغرافية توضيحية للبرديات مع

شرحها والتعليق عليها ، مما جعل هذه الدراسة المتخصصة مفيدة بالنسبة للطلبة

والباحثين المتخصصين في الدراسات الآثرية والأبحاث الخاصة بالبرديات ، وتجدر الإشارة إلى أن المادة العلمية

This book presents information on a number of towns and villages in Egypt, documented from Arabic papyri dating back to the first Muslim settlement in Egypt. It relates a list of Egyptian localities - towns and villages - quoted in these papyri, both at the archæological and cultural levels. It is a good addition to the Arab documentation.

The long-neglected Red Sea shore area has, over the past ten years, yielded a considerable amount of data that has enabled us to understand its specific role in pharaonic times. In 2001, fieldwork resumed in the former harbour of Mersa Gawasis, which was first identified by Abd el-Moneim Sayed in 1977. The rich archaeological and epigraphical findings by a joint American-Italian team demonstrated that the site was used throughout the 12th dynasty as a launching harbour for expeditions to the land of Punt, which lay to the south of the Red Sea. North of the Gulf of Suez, vestiges of a harbour built early on in the Old Kingdom were progressively unearthed at the site of Ayn Soukhna, which was discovered by Mahmoud Abd el-Raziq in 1999: the full remains of Middle Kingdom vessels were found there, stored in onsite galleries between expeditions to the copper and turquoise mining sites of the Sinai. The aim of this conference, which was held in Cairo and Ayn Soukhna in January 2009, was to bring together most of the specialists studying the Red Sea shore area and its relations with the Nile Valley. The proceedings give an overview of the most recent research on this strategic zone during the pharaonic period.

Longtemps ignoré des égyptologues, le rivage de la mer Rouge a livré depuis une dizaine d’années une quantité appréciable d’informations qui permettent maintenant de se faire une idée des modalités de son utilisation à l’époque pharaonique. Le site portuaire de Mersa Gawasis, découvert en 1977 par l’archéologue égyptien Abd el-Moneim Sayed, a ainsi fait l’objet d’une reprise d’étude à partir de 2001. De nouvelles fouilles, effectuées par une équipe italo-américaine, ont permis de démontrer sans appel – notamment grâce à la mise au jour d’un abondant matériel archéologique et épigraphique — l’utilisation de cette station comme point de départ pour des expéditions lancées en direction du pays de Pount, aux confins méridionaux de la mer Rouge, pendant l’ensemble de la XIIe dynastie. Dans le même temps, la fouille du site d’Ayn Soukhna, découvert en 1999 par Mahmoud Abd el-Raziq au nord du golfe de Suez, a livré progressivement les vestiges d’un point d’embarquement aménagé dès le début de l’Ancien Empire pour se rendre par voie maritime aux mines de cuivre et de turquoise du Sinaï. Les vestiges d’embarcations complètes du Moyen Empire y ont été découverts, entreposés dans des galeries-magasins aménagées sur le site. L’objectif de ce colloque, qui s’est tenu au Caire et à Ayn Soukhna en janvier 2009, a été de réunir la plupart des spécialistes engagés dans des travaux de recherche sur la côte de la mer Rouge, et sur les pistes mettant cette zone en relation avec la vallée du Nil. Les Actes réunis ici permettent de faire un point d’étape sur les connaissances récemment acquises dans ce domaine nouveau de l’archéologie égyptienne.

La chapelle d'Hathor constitue l'un des trois sanctuaires divins érigés par Hatchepsout au sein de son temple funéraire de Deir el-Bahari.

Au sein de ce monument, la nature féminine de la reine permet à Hatchepsout de nouer des liens uniques avec la déesse et de réaliser son destin funéraire de façon exceptionnelle : si Hatchepsout se place sous la protection divine d'Hathor, dans une perspective pharaonique traditionnelle, comme son fils Horus, le détenteur du pouvoir royal légitime, elle apparaît aussi comme la fille d'Hathor. Nourrie du lait vivifiant de la déesse qui est elle-même fille de Rê et son uræus, la reine se dresse à son tour en uræus solaire. Hatchepsout, en même temps roi et reine, tisse ainsi un complexe réseau théologique qui lui permet de devenir à la fois Horus, fils de Rê et disque solaire, et Hathor-Maât, uræus au front de ce même disque.

Le volume I présente le vestibule, le sanctuaire de la barque et le sanctuaire.

Il se divise en trois parties : un premier fascicule de Texte élabore une analyse permettant l'interprétation du monument, un second fascicule de Figures présente une sélection de photographies de détails et un troisième fascicule donne 67 Planches de photographies et dessins des scènes.

Des études thématiques sur les représentations et mentions de rois, de dieux, de mobilier et d'offrandes, sans oublier les évocations de Senmout, complètent cette synthèse.

Un DVD permet au lecteur d'agrandir à volonté les planches de photographies et de dessins des scènes.

The Hathor shrine is one of the three divine shrines erected by Hatshepsut in her mortuary temple of Deir el-Bahari.

In this monument, the queen's feminine nature allows Hatshepsut to establish a unique relationship with the goddess and to complete her funerary destiny in an exceptional manner: if Hatshepsut places herself under Hathor's divine protection in a traditional pharaonic perspective, as her son Horus, holder of the legitimate royal power, she also appears as the daughter of Hathor. Nourished by the invigorating milk of the goddess who is herself daughter of Re and his uræus, the queen, in turn, raises as the solar uræus. Hatshepsut, as both king and queen, weaves a complex theological network that allows her to become both Horus, son of Re and sun disc, and Hathor-Maât, uræus of this same disc.

Volume I concerns the vestibule, the bark shrine and the sanctuary.

It is divided into three parts : a first part, Text, provides an analysis and interpretation of the monument, while a second part, Figures, presents selected detailed photographs, and a third part offers 67 Plates of the scenes photographs and drawings.

Thematic studies on representations of kings, gods, furniture and offerings, not to mention evocations of Senmout, complete this synthesis.

Après le temps des califats, marqué par des pouvoirs où le leader politique et le chef religieux sont confondus dans la personne du Prince, et avant celui des réformes (les Tanzimat) et de la naissance des États modernes, l’ensemble du monde musulman a connu, entre le Xe et le XVe siècle, l’apparition d’un type de pouvoir particulier, qui, dans certaines contrées, a perduré jusqu’à nos jours : le sultanat. Cette appellation est encore en usage à l’époque moderne, voire contemporaine, ce qui est le signe qu’on ne s’attendra pas à ce que ce terme recouvre une réalité unique.

The article identifies and interprets significant changes in the designs, script and other visual elements on gold and occasionally silver Islamic coins stuck in Egypt and when appropriate Syria beginning with those minted from the Fatimid era to the end of Ottoman suzerainty in 1914 C.E. For each chronological period interpretations that, in most cases, are not dependent on the ability of the user of the coin to read the engraved text in Arabic script. In all these cases the market or monetary role of the currency was far more important, initially, then their specific political messages, which, while inscribed on the coins were not signaled by visual clues. Over time a new style of coinage in terms of its visual appearance was created by the ruling sultans and it became the new standard.

The third reign of sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad is usually seen as a turning point in the political history of the Mamluk sultanate. Coming back to power in 1310, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad found the opportunity to implement economic and institutional reforms enabling him to consolidate and expand his house and his private domain. While during his two previous reigns al-Nāṣir’s authority has been reduced and his power controlled by the leading emirs, from the beginning of his third reign, the sultan managed to establish new practices in the exercise of power, which layed the foundations of a real court society in which the favor of the prince was the main way to promote individual, militaries and civilians. Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad encouraged the lightning rise and the enrichment of powerful civil administrators of the Mamluk state. One of them, Karīm al-Dīn al-Kabīr, intendant of the mamluk domain of the sultan, appears to be a crucial cog of the wheel of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s new power. Studying his career, his prerogatives and his relations with the sultan and the Mamluk emirs, the aim of this paper is to enlight the reality of al-Nāṣir’s power, which is usually depicted as absolutist.

This paper aims at bringing to light the modest causes that were the talk of Mamluk Cairo around 1450. The former chief Šāfiʿī qāḍī Muḥammad al-Safṭī met with legal troubles after having a brilliant career owing to Sultan Ǧaqmaq’s patronage and falling immediately after into disgrace. Charges were laid against him for debt, extortion or embezzlement of waqf assets. The lawsuits were put forward by the sultan as a pretext to seize the wealth of his former protégé. Such methods were usual in the Mamluk exercising of power. What is less regular is the fact that Sultan Ǧaqmaq strictly remained within the limits of lawfullness. Indeed the sultan secured his ends by laying back the charges, holding courts with the four chief qāḍī-s and playing with the fours maḏhab-s’ competition. Even though he could have exercised discretionary powers or have turned to the maẓālim court, he decided to follow the qāḍī-s’ judicial settlements in order to compromise his former protégé. During the Fifteenth century indeed, the Mamluk power’s acculturation to lawfullness was effective.

Archival evidence suggests that Muḥammad ʿAlī, shortly after acceding to power in Egypt in 1805, took steps to emancipate political authority from its financial dependence on local notables by creating a broad-based tax levied on different socio-economic groups. This tax was based on economic activity, classified according to estimated profitability and location. There was but a short step between the invention of such a tax obligation and one based solely on individual revenue. Being engaged in a productive activity came to justify paying a portion of one’s revenue to the State – no longer as a forced contribution, but precisely because income-generating employment (especially in the form of salaried government work) could be presented as a privilege granted by the government. A much closer approximation to a pure income tax was instituted around 1855; in the 1860s, massive recruitment into the state apparatus took off once more after a hiatus, and a new law granted government staff a set of social guarantees. The institution of the income tax and its precursors as an expression of state power will provide the focus of this paper.

Far from the urban centers of military and political power, the Mamluk state maintained an unpredictable relationship with local peoples and attempted to exercise power over them in a way that could best be described as “managerial”. In many ways land was the key to the ever-changing power relations within the Mamluk elite and with local society. The complexities of these relationships are illustrated well in the case of the Transjordan, which comprised the eastern frontier.

This paper is concerned with two related phenomena. The first is the centrality of land in Mamluk policies in the Transjordan and the regime’s relations with local peoples. The second addresses the “decline” of the Mamluk state from the perspective of developments in the local agricultural regime, changing relations between producers and the state, and migrations of populations in Jordan, which were driven, in part, by regional political conflict and economic necessity. Adopting an Annaliste perspective on imbedded cycles of change, the rural sphere is interrogated as the locus of contestation and collaboration between ruler and ruled and provides a backdrop for assessing the transformations of the final century of Mamluk rule.

During the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, the Gafsa region, South-West of the Ottoman Regency of Tunis, seemed to know a new era in the relations between the oasis communities and the central government. Various mechanisms were used by the Turkish military-political class to ensure the allegiance of local populations. The ratio of military force was maintained for the center through the permanent presence of a garrison of Turkish asker the Casbah of Gafsa, periodic stays of “Winter Mehalla” in Dār al-Bey, in the city center, and the makhzenisation of the neighboring tribes (Hamama). The establishment of a political and administrative system favored the recovery of some local notables. The collection of taxes by the central government was considered as the necessary price to guarantee public order, security and justice. The legitimization of power was reinforced by the instrumentalization of religion in its various forms. Perceptions of power by the local communities indicate changes in the degree of acceptance. Images, sometimes contradictory, of the power of “al-Turk” especially in the 17th century indicate that the population was torn between the fear of abuse and the expectation of a body that would guarantee security. In the 19th century, new concepts in the local discourse show a change in the perception of the state as a concrete component of the everyday life of the people. The exercise of power can be better understood when studied in terms of convergence of interests and interrelationships.