IFAO

The topic of this article is the study of a statue belonging to an official from the Middle Kingdom called Renseneb, which was seized by the Egyptian authorities in 2015 in Damiette among more than one thousand artefacts. It came from some clandestine excavations on the site of Abydos. The owner of the statue, who holds the titles ḫtmtj bjty (treasurer of Lower Egypt) and jmy-r gs pr (director of domain) is supposed to be the same as the owner of a statue discovered in 1998 at Kerma and of a stela kept in the museum of Berlin (ÄGM 32/66). The study of the second title enables Renseneb to be seen as a member of the local administration who was in charge of the management of a royal domain attached to the mâhât-chapel of Mentuhotep II in Abydos.

L’ouvrage, réalisé sur le modèle de la publication des textes de la pyramide de Pépy Ier (MIFAO 118/1-2), offre les fac-similés, à l’échelle 1/5, de toutes les parois inscrites de la pyramide de Mérenrê, soit 34 planches au total. Ces planches sont accompagnées d’une description des parois (chambre funéraire, antichambre, passages, couloir et vestibule) et d’une analyse de leur composition. Est proposée, en outre, une traduction des 51 formules nouvelles (TP 1101-1151).

L'ouvrage est composé d'un volume de texte de 356 pages et d'un coffret comprenant 34 fac-similés.

Following the model of the former publication of Pepy Ist’s Pyramid Texts (MIFAO 118/1-2), this book offers facsimiles (scale 1/5) of every inscribed wall of Merenre’s Pyramid (a total of 34 plates). To the plates, a description of the walls (funerary chamber, antichamber, passages, corridor and vestibule) and an analysis of their composition are added. A translation of the 51 new spells (PT 1101-1151) is also proposed.

This book is made of 356 pages textbook and 34 facsimiles box set.

Premier volume de la série consacrée aux monuments d’Amenhotep Ier à Karnak, la publication de la chapelle en calcite aux noms d’Amenhotep Ier et de Thoutmosis Ier est l’aboutissement d’un long processus scientifique initié avec la découverte des premiers blocs dans les fondations du môle sud du IIIe pylône en 1914, poursuivi avec la reconstruction en 1947 du monument dans le musée de plein air, en passant par les dessins successifs des parois et leur documentation photographique, et s’achevant par la présente édition en fac-similés, assortie d’une traduction commentée. La chapelle en calcite est un reposoir pour la barque processionnelle d’Amon lors de ses fêtes à exode. On hésite encore sur son emplacement d’origine : soit à l’intérieur de la « cour de fêtes » de Thoutmosis II, soit là où se dressera plus tard le « siège d’intronisation d’Amon », proposition qui a notre préférence. Son décor fut repris quasiment à l’identique dans les autres reposoirs de barque en calcite du site. Les rites spécifiques adressés à la barque d’Amon sont pour partie ceux consignés dans le Rituel d’Amenhotep Ier connu par les p.BM 10689 (Chester-Beatty IX) et les p.Caire CGC 58030, p. XI + p.Turin, Inv. Suppl. 10125, et qui portent à juste titre le nom de « service pour les offrandes de la fête d’Amon-Rê ».

First volume of the series dedicated to the Monuments of Amenhotep I at Karnak, the publication of the calcite chapel in the names of Amenhotep I and of Thutmose I materialises the achievement of a long scientific process initiated by the discovery in 1914 of the first blocks in the foundations of the southern tower of the IIIrd pylon. Followed in 1947 the reconstruction of the monument in the open air museum. Successive phases of drawings and photographic documentation were then implemented and finally the publication of the present edition comprising fac-similes, translations and comments. The calcite chapel is a bark repository for the god’s portable bark during Amun’s procession festivals. Its original location is still debated: either inside the festival courtyard of Thutmose II, or the place where the “inthronisation seat of Amun” was later erected (the latter has our preference). Its decoration was later duplicated in most of Karnak’s calcite bark shrines. The specific rituals addressed to the bark of Amun are partly those recorded in the “Ritual of Amenhotep I” known throughout the p.BM 10689 (Chester-Beatty IX) and the p.Cairo CGC 58030, p. XI + p.Turin, Inv. Suppl. 10125 and which, quite a-propos, bear the name of “offering service for the festival of Amun-Ra”.

هذا الكتاب هو المجلد الأول من السلسلة المخصصة لآثار أمنحتب الأول بمعبد الكرنك. وقد جاء النشر العلمي للمقصورة المشيدة من الحجر الجيري والمكرسة لأمنحتب الأول ولتحتمس الأول تتويجًا لعملية بحث علمي طويلة بدأت عام 1914 باكتشاف الكتل الأولى لأساسات البرج الجنوبي للصرح الثالث وفي عام ١٩٤٧ تم استكمال الأعمال بإعادة بناء الأثر في المتحف المفتوح بالكرنك. وعن طريق مراحل متتالية من التوثيق بالرسومات والتصوير الفوتوغرافي التي تم تنفيذها انتهينا إلى هذا الإصدار الحالي متضمنًا لتسجيل نسخة رسومات طبق الأصل (الفاكسيمل) وترجمة للنصوص مع التعليقات. وهذه المقصورة المشيدة من الحجر الجيري هى استراحة لقارب موكب الإله آمون خلال مواكب الاحتفالات. ومازال الموقع الأصلى للمقصورة موضع جدل بين رأي يميل إلى داخل فناء الإحتفالات الخاص بتحتمس الثاني وآخر يرى أنه المكان الذي أقيم فيه لاحقًا مقعد تتويج الإله آمون وهو الرأي المرجّح لدينا. تكررت زخارف المقصورة فيما بعد - بشكل مماثل تقريبًا - في الإستراحات الأخرى لقارب الحجر الجيري بالكرنك. ويُعد جزء من الطقوس الخاصة بقارب آمون هي تلك المسجلة في كتاب طقوس أمنحوتب الأول المعروفــــة من خلال p.Caire CGC 58030, p. XI + p.Turin, Inv. Suppl. و 10125 p.BM 10689 (Chester-Beatty IX)

When Western Syriac literature designates the Christian Arabs (ṭayyōyē krisṭyōnē), it is ­often through a ternary expression, the « Tanūkōyē, ʿAqūlōyē and Ṭūʿōyē », in variable order. These people (ʿammē) played a very significant role during the second civil war (60‑72/680-692) within the Syriac Orthodox Church, as it is starting to consider the Muslim alterity. At this ­specific time, a homonym bishopric is attested, especially under Georges’ authority (d. 105/724), one of the main intellectuals of this time. These populations seem to have lived in « the Occident » (then forming the ǧund of Qinnasrīn) and in the post-Roman Upper Mesopotamia (the Ǧazīra) during the Umayyad period. The Tanūḫ (Tanūkōyē) are defined as an Iraqi community partially settled in northern Syria, but the period of this migration, traditionally dated to the proto-Byzantine era, is still indeterminate. The two other words are less clear: the ʿAqūlōyē are related to the people of al‑Kūfa (the expression is almost certainly post‑Hiǧra) while the Ṭūʿōyē would correspond to ancient groups from the same area. Our hypothesis is that the moving of these Iraqi ʿammē, designated by this ternary standardized ethnonym (they are not tribes in the sense of arabic nasab) to the Syrian space results from a transfer policy under Muʿāwiya (d. 60/680). It is most likely in this context that they might have been affiliated to the episcopal miaphysit nomenclature, at a time where it was possible to participate in the Believers’ movement while including one’s self in the Antiochene Church.

Cet article présente un dossier inédit de documents concernant les chrétiens de Damas à la fin du ixe siècle. Conservés au moyen de leur copie dans deux manuscrits tous deux datables approximativement du xe-xie siècle, ces neuf documents rédigés en arabe ont été produits à l’occasion d’un conflit au sein de l’Église melkite de Syrie en 277/890‑891. Il ressort de l’analyse que David, évêque métropolitain de Damas, a lui-même réuni ces documents à charge contre son adversaire Siméon, patriarche d’Antioche. La plainte de David de Damas aux deux autres patriarches, Élie de Jérusalem et Michel ­d’Alexandrie, contre Siméon d’Antioche, est éditée et traduite en français en annexe de l’article.

This paper presents an unpublished dossier of documents related to the Christians of Damascus in the late 9th century. Preserved through their copy in two manuscripts ­datable to the 10th or 11th century, these nine documents written in Arabic were issued on the ­occasion of a conflict that happened among the Melkite Church in Syria in 277/890‑891. The ­documents prove to have been gathered by David the metropolitan bishop of Damascus, against his adversary Simeon the patriarch of Antioch. The complaint of David of Damascus against Simeon of Antioch, addressed to the two other patriarchs, Elias of Jerusalem and Michael of Alexandria, is edited and translated into French as an appendix to this article.

This article is inscribed in the field of graffitology and it presents the study of a corpus which still largely unknown. Collected by the Japanese mission in Sinai (Dir. M. Kawatoko) between 2001 and 2005, the Christian Arab graffiti present in large numbers in the south of the peninsula, had never delivered their contents. The study of these sources, from the point of view of forms, onomastics and paleography, as well as historical and epigraphic contextualization, shed a light on the history of Eastern Christianity in the region. The exploitation of the data makes it possible to outline the profile of these Christian pilgrims converging on Mount Sinai and informs about the frequentation of the roads at the Abbasid and Fatimid times.

This article is an attempt to place the history of the Copts into a broader context, that of Ottoman history and shows that Coptic history is closely linked to Egyptian history. Based on two sharia court cases, we can explain not only the period of transformation in Coptic history but also the history of Egypt at the end of the 16th century, which completed at the middle of 17th century. On the other hand, the article shows how the sources of the courts can be supplemented with Coptic sources, and that to better understand the 17th century, it would be necessary to use both of these sources. The two court cases studied here are only comprehensible when Coptic sources are taken into consideration.

Dans une société égyptienne ottomane très cosmopolite, un individu est défini par son statut social et son métier, puis par ses convictions religieuses. L’élite copte du xviiie siècle, suivant un usage aussi bien chrétien que musulman, met à profit l’essor économique de la province pour redistribuer une partie des fortunes acquises au profit de l’Église et de leurs coreligionnaires.

In a very cosmopolitan Egyptian Ottoman society, an individual is defined by his social status and profession, and then by his religious beliefs. The Coptic elite of the 18th century, following both Christian and Muslim usage, takes advantage of the province’s important economic development to redistribute the acquired wealth for the benefit of the Church and their coreligionists.

After a brief presentation of Egyptian Catholic journals and newspapers of the twentieth century that can serve as sources, this article presents the most remarkable and most original of them: Ḥaqlunā (1949‑1970). It was initiated by the lawyer Pierre Cassab (Buṭrus Kassāb, 1913‑1986) to serve the Association of Catholic Youth of Egypt, founded in 1947. Giving news of the Catholic Church in the world, Ḥaqlunā was heralding the necessary role of the laity in the associations and in the Church. Valuable source for the reception of the Second Vatican Council (1962‑1965) in Egypt, the review was first animated by “Syrians of Egypt” of Greek-Catholic rite, like Pierre Cassab, or Maronite, like Michel Farah (Mīšīl Faraḥ). It is particularly attentive to the life of the Eastern Churches and the affirmation of Coptic Catholics as the National Church of Egypt. Towards the Coptic Orthodox, Ḥaqlunā, in an ecumenical spirit, supports the Renewal begun under Cyril VI. As for Islam, while faithfully supporting the conciliar orientations manifested in Nostra Aetate, Ḥaqlunā alludes to the concerns of Egyptian Catholics in the face of the Islamization of the Nasserian state. The feminine question finally, initially almost absent, becomes important in the 1960s.